Saturday, November 3, 2007
Friday, November 2, 2007
Friday, October 12, 2007
HUICHOL INDIANS, THEIR ART & SYMBOLS
Deer and wolves that speak to man, arrows that carry prayers, serpents that bring rain or impart skill in embroidery, pumas that are messengers of the Gods - are all real in the Huichol belief system. These are the proud Indigenous people seen around Puerto Vallarta in their colorful embroidered clothing. "Huichol (pronounced Wettchol)", according to Norwegian explorer Carl Lumholtz "is a corruption of the work Vishalika or Virarika, that the Huichols call themselves, the word signifying "doctor or healer', a name they fully deserve as about one-fourth of the men are shamans."
The Huichol Indians live in virtually inaccessible areas of the states of Nayarit and Jalisco, straddling the Sierra Madre Occidental in an inhospitable region of about 15,000 square miles in scattered kinship settlements (ranchos).
In the past thirty years, about four thousand Huichols have migrated to cities, primarily Tepic, Nayarit, Guadalajara and Mexico City. It is these "citified' Huichols who, because of the need for money have drawn attention to their rich culture through their art. To preserve the ancient beliefs and ritual ceremonies, they began making detailed and elaborate yarn paintings. The Huichols have only an oral tradition and no written language (thus the many differing spellings of Huichol words). "Through their artwork, the Huichol Indians encode and document their spiritual knowledge." notes Susana Eger Valadez in 'Huichol Indian Sacred Art'. In their artwork the Huichol express their deepest religious feelings and beliefs acquired through a lifetime of participation in ceremonies and rites.
From the time they are children, they learn how to communicate with the spirit world through symbols and rituals. Thus for the Huichol, yarn painting is much more than mere aesthetic expression. The topics of these yarn paintings reflect Huichol culture and its shamanic traditions. Like icons, they are documents of ancient wisdom."
One sees their fine art work for sale at many locations in Puerto Vallarta. From the small beaded eggs and large jaguar heads to the detailed yarn paintings, each is related to a part of Huichol tradition and belief.
Beginning about thirty years ago the yarn painting evolved to its high state today from the "Nierika'. A small square or round tablet with a hole in the center is a Nierika (Nearika) or sacred magical offering. These tablets are covered on one or both sides with a mixture of beeswax and pine resin into which threads of yarn are pressed. Nierikas are found in all Huichol sacred places such as temples, springs and caves. The Nierika, in ritual use, is a face; of the sun, of the earth, of a deer, the wind, the peyote, and the face of the man making the offering. The Nierika facilitates the entry into the other "spiritual world". For the Huichol there are five directions, each of the cardinal points and the fifth is the spiritual, source of visions, power and enlightenment.
A Nierika is called a mirror with two faces, and for that reason often both sides are covered with yarn designs and the hole in the middle is considered a mirror or often a small glass mirror is used. This 'hole' or 'mirror' is the magical eye through which man and God can see each other. The mirror makes the Gods pay attention to the petition, which places a real obligation on the Gods to grant whatever is portrayed on the Nierika. For example, offering Nierika to the Mother Goddess or Rain goddess ensures rain, but other rituals must be observed as well, i.e. the ritual slaying of a deer.
The first large yarn paintings were exhibited in Guadalajara in 1962, a direct outgrowth of the Nierika - simple and uncomplicated. At present with the availability of a larger spectrum of commercial dyed and synthetic yarn, more finely spun yarn paintings have evolved into high quality works of art. Realism, based on mythology, is the basis of yarn paintings.
Beaded bowls (jicara in Spanish, rakure in Huichol) evolved in this same manner. Beadwork originated as an art form long before the Spanish Conquest of the Indigenous peoples. Instead of the glass seed beads utilized today, bone, clay, coral, jade, pyrite, shell, stone turquoise and seeds were used. These were often colored with insect or vegetable dyes.
Originally the beads defined the waxen figures pressed into gourd prayer bowls to be used as offerings (as Niekira) and/or petitions to the gods and goddesses. The Huichol believe that just as one drinks water from the gourd bowl the gods drink up the petitions in the bowls and subsequently understand the prayer better. Color defines the god or goddess petitioned: for example blue signifies Rapawiyeme (Rapa is the tree of rain); black is Tatei Aramara, the Pacific Ocean, place of the dead, great serpent of rain; red indicates Wirikuta, location of the birthplace of peyote, deer and the eagle. With the development of finer, smaller beads, more detailed work s are now seen, not only on gourds but on wooden jaguars.
Peyote cactus is much revered by the Huichol, a veritable gift from the Gods. Through the use of peyote, the Huichol create the elaborate designs used in their artwork. It symbolizes the essence, the very life, sustenance, health, accomplishment, good fortune of the Huichol. Plus through peyote's hallucinogenic effects, enlightenment and shamanic powers can be achieved. Annual pilgrimages are taken to Wirikuta to collect the peyote. Only the 'purified ones' can participate in the harvest or the peyote will not be found.
Peyote Mandalas or Neakilas (nierika) symbolize the entrance to the spiritual world. As important power objects they are often found at the center of yarn paintings. Each mandala is individual, mirroring peyote vision trances.
Utilizing many of the same sacred designs and patterns as seen in yarn painting and weaving, the Huichol create anklets, bags, belts, bracelets, chokers, earrings and rings with the seed beads. "Life is a constant object of prayer for the Huichol, it is, in the conception, hanging somewhere above them, and must be reached out for," explains Lumholtz, "thus all phases of their lives are prayer - the planting, harvesting, peyote pilgrimages - all art, weaving, bead work, face painting and yarn paintings, embody prayer within symbols.
With this introduction one can better understand the Huichol, their art and their constant communication with the spiritual realm. Ramon Mara Torres sums it all up by observing, "This ancient art, modernized as a result of circumstances entirely outside Huichol culture itself, has become like an exotic flower, eagerly sought after by the conocenti "
Tacutsi Aramara, the Goddess of Life, is the Mother Goddess. From her have sprung all life forms; humans, animals and plants. Tacutsi not only gives life to all she nurtures, but teaches a manner of life pleasant to the Gods. Tatewari is Grandfather Fire, instructor of shamans, giver of light, hat, and warmth - imperative for survival. The coral and rattlesnake are his emissaries.
Wolf People. In Huichol mythology they evolved from wolves. By learning the ways of the gods, hunting the deer and offering the blood of the deer to the deities they were finally able to remain in human form. Shamans proclaim the ability to metamorphose into wolves.
Fire or Tai, regarded as the most valuable gift of the gods, is honored in all Huichol ceremonies. The Huichol consider themselves sons and daughters of Tai and "feed" him cornmeal cakes, beer or tepache and water from sacred springs.
Spirit Guides are intermediaries between spiritual and human spheres provided by the gods for shaman apprentices. The guide appears in dreams and visions and are often half-human, half animal, i.e., deer-man or deer-woman. Shamans or ambassadors to the gods are spiritual leaders called Marakame. They are considered para-normal in their powers and are an integral link between the Huichol and the deities.
Tao Jreeku, or Father Sun, rules the heavens, bringing warmth and illumination. Eagle, Mother Goddess of all living things and the sky, is his wife. It is believed all living things receive their life force from Tao Jreeku. He is their grantor of abundant and healthy crops.
All birds are messengers to the gods. The feathers of eagles, and turkeys are especially sought after. The doubled-headed eagle represents the Shaman's omnipotent power and ability to see in all directions. The goddess, Mother Eagle, Mother of the Sky and Queen of the Heavens, is embodied by the eagle or Wealika.
Deer or Mahjrah in Huichol symbolize Kayumahli, the spirit guide. Kayumahli is the guide, teacher and channel of knowledge for the Shamans. The deer hunt, capture and slaying is a very ritualized ceremony. Only the "pure" may participate. For the insurance of a good crop the deer blood is offered to the Deer Mother. Tah Tay Mahjrahlee. As a guardian spirit she is one of the animals of primary importance in the shamanism of the Huichol. The unity of men and women on their spiritual journeys is symbolized by the male and female deer depicted together.
Gila Monsters or Eemuukwee are believed to be endowed with magical healing powers. A piece of this reptile's tail is often seen in a Shaman's medicine basket.
Teh-Kah or horned toads are trusted confederates of the shamans. Their ability to squirt blood from their eyes grants them special honors.
Salamanders work the Rain Mother by prodding the clouds into letting go of the rain. Turtles also are emissaries of the Rain Goddess. Their function is to purify water and replenish underground springs.
Serpents are middlemen between men and the spirit world. Rattlesnakes are respected as the tongue of Tatewari, the Fire God. The Rain Goddess is often symbolized by the Serpent as rain itself, a great coiled serpent or storm clouds from which millions of tiny snakes represent rainfall.
Tortukas or scorpions are held in awe and dread. One of the most deadly species of scorpions in the world can be found in the Sierra del Nayarit. In spite of the fact that many Huichol die yearly of scorpion bites, the scorpion is respected as a protector against evil and bad luck.
Pumas, mountain lions, or Mayetze are emissaries of the God of Fire, Tatewali. They are the custodians of a shaman's sacred vows. And if the shaman fails, Mayetze can consume his spirit.
Wolves or Kumukite are esteemed bearers of spirits. In the peyote ceremonies Kumkite is bestowed with special honors, since the Huichol believe they descended from the Wolf People.
Flowers are sacred. They are utilized in all ceremonies, healings, deer hunt, or of the new corn. Toto, a small white flower that blooms in the wet corn growing season, has become a prayer and a symbol for the corn. In life the Toto has five petals but in art it has been stylized with six petals. The toto flower symbol is often seen on the chest of the Eagle, Keli or Solandra, a plant of the Solanaceae family is an hallucinogenic. The aroma of its blossom induces a powerful trance in which the Huichol say their spirit is opened to the highest levels of enlightenment.
Healing wands or arrows, Muwieris or Muvieli, have to hawk or eagle feathers suspended from the shaft. It is the Huichol belief that feathers are endowed with mysterious powers and as such the Muwieris are the most important item in a shaman's basket. With the colors on the shaft and the type of bird feather the shaman can speak to or summon individual deities.
Turkeys are the bird of the sun and their feathers are sought after by peyote pilgrims. The feathers on the Muwieris are the antlers of the deer. Feathers light and fast impart their power to the shafts to which they are attached and thus insure speedy delivery of a petition or prayer to the designated deity.
Tucuatsi, or a medicine basket, is woven out of palm fronds. The shaman stores his sacred magic power objects, arrows, candles, crystals, face paint, incense, mirrors, sacred plants and rocks, snake or Gila monster tails or wands in a tacuatsi.
Offering mats or Eetalees are mats made especially to hold the sacred objects of the shamans medicine basket or tacuatsi during ceremonies. These objects being sacred must never touch the bare ground.
Uwene or the shaman's chair are special chairs of distinctive form constructed of bamboo, oak, deerskin, pitch and fiber. The gods are supplied with a similar chair but in miniature. These uwene are utilized exclusively by male shamans. It is believed a woman would become infertile if she sat in a uwene. Each shaman transports his own uwene to the ceremony in which he is to participate.
Gourd bowls depicted in yarn paintings serve to illustrate to the gods, graphically, that which is desired. Incense burners fashioned of clay are used to transport the burning coals to the necessary sacred locations. The incense or putzee is produced from the sap of the copal tree. When burned the odor and smoke of the copal transports prayers to the deities.
Candles or Catilas are believed to embody the sacred gift of light from the Sun and Fire Gods. They signify an illumination of the human spirit.
Caves are sacred ceremonies sites utilized by the shamans. Secreted from the outer world, with only their animal allies as witness, the shaman communicates with the mystic realm.
To be continue.
Shamanism in Siberiaexcerpts from Aboriginal Siberia
SHAMANISM is understood by some people to be a primitive form of religion or religio-magic practised by the aborigines of northern Asia as well as by all other aborigines in other parts of the world. This opinion is held by Mikhailowski, Kharuzin, and some other Russian scientists. Others hold that Shamanism was only one form of expression of the religious cult of northern Asia, practised in order to avert the evil spirits. This opinion is found in the writings of Jochelson and Bogoras. There is still another view put forward, which it is well for us to consider. This view we find expressed very clearly in the following extract from Klementz:
'One must not lose sight of the fact that in the various beliefs of the Siberian tribes a very close connexion is noticeable, and, likewise, there can be observed an uninterrupted identity in the foundations of their mythology, and in their rites, even extending as far as the nomenclature-all of which gives one the right to suppose that these beliefs are the result of the joint work of the intellectual activity of the whole north of Asia.'[2]
In the writings of the Buryat scientist Banzaroff we find a very similar statement: 'The old national religion of the Mongols and the neighbouring nations is known in Europe as "Shamanism", whereas among those who are not its followers it has no special name.
'After the introduction of Buddhism among the Mongolic nations, they called their old religion "The Black Faith" (Khara Shadjin), in contradistinction to Buddhism, which they called "Yellow Faith" (Shira Shadjin). According to Father Jakiuv, the Chinese call Shamanism Tao-Shen (gambolling before the spirits).
[1. For certain suggestions as to the construction of this chapter I all, indebted to my friend, Miss Byrne, of Somerville College.
2. Enc. Rel. and Eth., 'The Buriats,' p. 26.]
Those names, however, do not give any idea of the true character of shamanism. Some are of opinion that it originated alongside with Brahminism and Buddhism, while others find in it some elements in common with the teachings of the Chinese philosopher Lao-Tze. . . . Finally some hold that Shamanism is nothing but Nature-worship, likening it to the faith of the followers of Zoroaster. Careful study of the subject shows that the Shamanistic religion … did not arise out of Buddhism or any other religion, but originated among the Mongolic nations, and consists not only in superstitious and shamanistic ceremonies . . ., but in a certain primitive way of observing the outer world-Nature-and the inner world-the soul.'[1]
Of course, Banzaroff speaks especially of the Shamanism of the Mongols. We cannot agree with him that Shamanism is limited to these people. We find it all over northern and part of central Asia.
As we see them now the Palaeo-Siberians may be considered as possessing the simplest, and the Neo-Siberians the most complex, form of Shamanism. Thus among the former we see more 'Family' than 'Professional' Shamanism; that is, the ceremonials, beliefs, and shamans are practically limited to the family. Professional Shamanism, that is, ceremonies of a communal kind performed by a specialized or professional shaman, is here only in its infancy, and, being weaker, has been more affected by Christianity.
Among the Neo-Siberians, where professional Shamanism is strongly developed (for example, the Yakut), family Shamanism has been more affected by European influences. We cannot, however, argue from this that the Palaeo-Siberian form is the more primitive. Professional Shamanism may be a development of family Shamanism, or it may be a degenerate form, where environment is such that communal life is no longer possible.
That the dissimilarity between the Shamanism of the Palaeo and Neo-Siberians is no doubt due to the differences in the geographical conditions of northern and southern Siberia seems to be proved by the result of a careful study of certain Neo-Siberian tribes (Yakut) who migrated to the north, and of certain Palaeo-Siberians (Gilyak) who migrated to the south. The ease with which they absorbed the customs and beliefs appertaining to
[1. Banzaroff, The Black Faith, pp. 4-5.]
their new surroundings shows that there was no fundamental difference between their shamanistic practices. The differences, being due to environment, disappear in migration. It cannot be said that the change is due to contact, since this, in many cases, is very slight. Indeed, Shamanism seems to be such a natural product of the Continental climate with its extremes of cold and heat, of the violent burgas and burans, [1] of the hunger and fear which attend the long winters, that not only the Palaeo-Siberians and the more highly cultivated Neo-Siberians, but even Europeans, have sometimes fallen under the influence of certain shamanistic superstitions. Such is the case with the Russian peasants and officials who settle in Siberia, and with the Russian Creoles.[2].
According to the official census, only a small part of the aborigines are 'true Shamanists', but, as a matter of fact, we see that though they are registered as Orthodox Catholics and Buddhists, they are in reality nearly all faithful to the practice of their old religion.
In psychological terminology, Shamanism consists of animistic and preanimistic conceptions; although most of the people at present engaged in research work on Siberia have been so much influenced by the Tylor theory of Animism that they misuse the word 'soul', and the phenomena that they describe as animistic are very often in a different category altogether.
The reader must decide for himself whether Shamanism appeals to him as a cult peculiar to this region, or whether it is part of a very general primitive magico-religion. It appears to the author personally to be as difficult to speak in general terms of primitive religions as it would be to speak of Christian religious. This might be the task of a separate work-to determine whether Shamanism in its conception of the deities, nature, man, and in its rites, forms a special 'sect ' in the Animistic Religion.
Wednesday, October 10, 2007
Shamanism !!!!
All the different Siberian tribes had their own way of life, their own mythology and world view. Therefore there were considerable differences between the shamans of the various groups. Still, there were enough similarities between them all to justify the use of the term 'Siberian shamanism'.
One of the characteristics of Siberian shamanism is that the vast majority of the shamans used special costumes on which images of their spirit helpers were attached. The Sakha (Yakut) shamans of central Siberia wore up to two hundred iron pendants and images on their leather coats. The southern Siberian Tofalar and Soyot shamans adorned their costumes with only few iron hangers but attached hundreds of textile snakes and ribbons to their costumes. Shamans of the Evenki, Dolgan and Altai combined quantities of iron and textile, sometimes adding decorations of small beads and shells. Whatever material was used to make a shaman costume, a shaman costume could easily weigh ten kilo or more, the heaviest that was recorded weighed about forty kilo.
Beside a special costume, Siberian shamans used big flat drums. The shamans of tribes such as Nanai and Udeghe didn¹t often wear real shaman costumes during their ceremonies, but they also would use the characteristic big flat drums. The shaman would beat the drum in a monotonous rhythm and sing long songs to invite the spirits. In some tribes the shamans would improvise words and melodies, in others they would mainly sing old familiar songs. Invited by the songs the spirits would gather around the shaman.
During such sessions the shaman would dance, and soon would be exhausted by the weight of the heavy costume and drum. That was not a problem but a help: tiredness helps to enter and deepen the trance state. When the shaman was fully in trance and had his or her spirit helpers around him the real work could begin. The shaman would seek out the spirits that caused illness and problems, and through communication with them would try to find healing or solutions.
Siberian shamanism was not only found in Siberia proper but also in the areas at it¹s southern and southeastern borders. In the north of China there are nomadic groups belonging to the Evenki, they are closely related to their Siberian neighbours. In the most northern islands of Japan live the shamanic Ainu. In Mongolia the Buryat and other tribes had their own shamans; in Mongolia (Siberian) shamanism and (Tibetan) Buddhism have existed independently but were also sometimes mixed.
Classical Siberian shamanism is more or less extinct. Soon after the revolution of 1917 a campaign was launched to convince the Siberian tribes that it was better to avoid the shamans instead of asking them for help. Under Stalin the remaining practising shamans were either killed or imprisoned in the camps of the Gulag. Nowadays there are only very few shamans left who are directly linked to the old traditions. Only in museums one can still see the old shaman costumes, drums and other ritual objects.
There are parts of Siberia where people turned once more to shamanism after the decline of the communism. There are various folkloristic groups whose members sing old shaman songs while dressed in costumes resembling the traditional shaman's clothes. There are also individuals who have started doing the shaman's work. Most of these people are however recreating shamanic practices, only few are directly linked to traditional shamans of earlier times.
The western world learned about the shamans in the eighteenth century through travel rapports written by people who explored Siberia. For a long time only the academic world had some knowledge about the Siberian shamans, but in the sixties of the twentieth century shamanic practice was recognised as a spiritual path. In the seventies Michael Harner developed a method that enabled westerners to experience the basic steps of shamanic trance. By now, a westerner interested in shamanism can choose from all kinds of different methods. Very few western practitioners use shaman costumes, but drums are used by many and the art of communicating with spirit guides is commonly practised.
Shamanic Healing Rituals
From Russian Museum of Ethnography
During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, healing was the main function of Siberian shamans. They healed many different diseases, such as sterility, protracted childbirth, heart pain, dystrophy, cough, skin diseases, stomach pains, diseases of the throat and eyes, pains in the limbs, and madness. During epidemics they also attempted to cure smallpox and measles, which required much effort.
A single principle was fundamental to shamanic medical treatment: a shaman acted on behalf of spirits and deities, supreme entities more powerful than humans. Disease was associated with spirits' activities. Therefore, shamans had to perform 1) banishment of an evil spirit--the source of disease--from the body of the sick individual, and 2) the return of the soul stolen by evil spirits. To achieve these goals various ritual objects and methods were used. The most complicated and efficient form of healing practice by Siberian shamans included kamlaniye, a shamanic seance that usually continued for several days. Irrespective of the cause of the disease, the structure of the ritual used by most Siberian peoples (Sel'kups, Yakuts, Evenks, Nenets, Khants, Mansis, Nganasans, and Dolgans) was similar. The shaman summoned his or her helper spirits using the drum, baton, shaman's post, shaman's chum, sacred place, and many other ritual objects. Furthermore, the shaman put spirits inside himself (by swallowing and deep yawning) and treated them to fat, blood of an animal (such as reindeer, dog, or ringed seal), and tobacco. Then the shaman told the victim's fortune on behalf of the spirits and threw the baton in order to learn the cause of the disease. Alternatively, the shaman sent helper spirits into the body of the sick person for the same purpose, and then the means of "healing" was selected. The spirits were dismissed and a thanksgiving sacrifice was made. During the ritual, the spirit that was to blame for the misfortune was revealed, and the decision was reached as to whom kamlaniye should address: spirits of the upper, the lower, or the middle worldAn important part of shamanic ritual was the preparation of the sacred place, drum, shaman's costume, special curative clothes, and ritual objects. Wooden images that symbolized incarnations of disease spirits were used in curative practices by the Sel'kups, Evenks, and the Dolgans. The spirits were called upon for mercy by making sacrifices through helper spirits, which could include tribal spirits, spirits of home and hearth, spirits of locality, mountain, earth, water, image of the first shaman, sacred bird (duck or eagle), reindeer or moose, mammoth, or bear. The disease could be moved from a human's body into the substitute's figure. That was usually the end of the shaman's kamlaniye. The Sel'kups, Nenets, and Kets depicted the spirit of disease as a worm, stone, blood clot, or lizard. For luring the spirit out of the body of the sick person, shamans transferred the spirit into themselves. Next they made a symbolic piercing. This was practiced to move the spirit of disease into the substitute's figure or into the sacrificial animal. Kamlaniye during which sacrifices were made for supreme heavenly and underworld deities were widespread in Siberian shamanism. The sacrificial animal or object played the role of the intermediary for which the soul of the sick person was exchanged. During kamlaniye over a severely ill person, the Nenets' shaman represented Numu (deity of the Upper World) or Nga (deity of the Lower World). It was through the intermediary that talks about the soul of the sick person took place. Shamans of the Evenks and Yakuts built for that purpose special sacred places symbolizing routes to the heavens. For the Evenks there were images of the shaman's helper spirits, a shamanic tree imitating the world's tree of souls (with nine transverse layers of the Upper World), and a figurine of the substitute of the sick person's soul. The Yakuts had a sacred place represented by a row of trees (three to nine birch and larch trees) connected by a ritual cord of horse's hair with pendants (the symbol of the "route to the heavens") and three poles to which horses are tethered (serge), imitating the world's tree and three worlds of the universe. Tied to the poles was the animal to be sacrificed (horse or cow) that was sent to the supreme deity in exchange for a human soul.
Kamlaniye rites for the purpose of strengthening health occupied a special place in the healing practice of Siberian shamans. During the autumn hunting and fishing feast, Ket shamans collected the soul (ulvei) of each person in the tribe. The weak souls were fixed in the cell of a fishing net, and in the spring the shamans dismissed them when the group left camp for the season. Ket shamans kept men's souls near themselves in the handle of the drum, whereas family protectors (alel) were in charge of women's souls. Kets explained prolonged illness by the departure of the soul, and performed a special rite of "fixing." They made an arrow and wrapped the end of the shaft in clothes (for men), or a button was wrapped in bands (for women). These arrows were kept with other family protectors. The Evenks maintained the health and life of people by preserving umbilical cordssymbols of soulsin special "soul keepers" such as small boxes, nests, or mats.
In addition to kamlaniye, the Sel'kups, Kets, Chukchis, and Yakuts talked with spirits using ventriloquism and imitation of the voices of helper spirits depicted in the images of mammals, birds, and insects. The purpose of these talks may have been to reveal the location of evil spirits.
For healing the sick, Siberian shamans also used more-simple magical actions, incantations, and ritual objects, without calling the spirits. Yakut and Evenk shamans touched the sore place with a bunch of twigs. They also used a spoon (for ritual sprinkling over the sick person) and the shaman's baton to remove evil spirits from the body. Other means of removal included blowing of the disease out of the dwelling (Sel'kups), shaking-off (Yukagirs), banishment by ringing of a bell or by fire (Nenets), and transferring to the dead (Chukchis). Various charms were used for protection, and in special cases two-color cloths were made to deceive the evil spirit. During epidemics, barriers against diseases were put on the roads. During kamlaniye the Evenks and Sel'kups surrounded the shaman's chum with a special fence, marylya, which imitated the tribal territory.